Findings

Culture Clash

Kevin Lewis

August 16, 2010

"White" or "European American"? Self-identifying labels influence majority group members' interethnic attitudes

Kimberly Rios Morrison & Adrienne Chung
Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, forthcoming

Abstract:
Multiculturalism (i.e., the recognition and celebration of cultural differences) has many potential benefits for society, including reduced prejudice among non-minorities and increased psychological well-being among ethnic minorities. Yet non-minorities generally tend to resist multiculturalism more than do minorities and believe that it is irrelevant to them. Two studies were conducted to examine why and under what conditions this is the case. In both studies, non-minority participants were randomly assigned to mark their race/ethnicity as either "White" or "European American" on a demographic survey, prior to answering questions about their interethnic attitudes. Results demonstrated that non-minorities primed to think of themselves as White (versus European American) were subsequently less supportive of multiculturalism and more racially prejudiced, due to decreases in identification with ethnic minorities. Implications for how to improve non-minorities' attitudes toward multiculturalism are discussed.

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Wedge-issue dynamics and party position shifts: Chinese exclusion debates in the post-Reconstruction US Congress, 1879-1882

Jungkun Seo
Party Politics, forthcoming

Abstract:
Even when the stakes of party-building are high, political parties often find their members divided over a key policy position. In post-Reconstruction America, the hot-button issue of excluding Chinese immigrant workers strengthened Democratic cohesion while splitting the 'party of Lincoln'. Previous research has not completely investigated the role of party competition and cohesiveness in paving the way for passage of the Chinese exclusion laws. In this investigation of the legislative politics of banning the Chinese from 1879 to 1882, it is found that cross-pressured members sometimes facilitate party transformation. The evidence demonstrates that partisan responses to potential wedge issues are a previously unnoticed source of explanation of eventual party position changes.

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A Shot at Half-Exposure: Asian Americans in Reality TV Shows

Grace Wang
Television & New Media, September 2010, Pages 404-427

Abstract:
While reality TV programs open up a space for greater representation of racialized minorities, they also adhere to, and authenticate, racialized narratives and stereotypes by embodying them in the characters of "real" people. Through an analysis of Top Chef and Project Runway, this essay reveals how the narrative of the Asian "technical robot" has emerged as a stock character for Asian Americans in reality TV programs, flexibly applied to a range of fields where Asian Americans threaten to achieve success. By focusing on Asian Americans who have won reality TV competitions, this essay analyzes how supposedly neutral concepts such as talent and skill are racialized in the reality TV format specifically and in the contemporary U.S. context broadly. Such representations illustrate the very narrow ways that racialized minorities are allowed to integrate into the U.S. For the allegation that Asian Americans are technicians who lack creativity is a barrier that not only helps keep them from transcending their racialized labor niches but also serves as an explanation for why people of color cannot make it to the top of their professions.

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Direct Evidence on Risk Attitudes and Migration

David Jaeger, Thomas Dohmen, Armin Falk, David Huffman, Uwe Sunde & Holger Bonin
Review of Economics and Statistics, August 2010, Pages 684-689

Abstract:
It has long been hypothesized that individuals' migration propensities depend on their risk attitudes, but the empirical evidence has been limited and indirect. We use newly available data from the German Socio-Economic Panel to measure directly the relationship between migration and risk attitudes. We find that individuals who are more willing to take risks are more likely to migrate. Our estimates are substantial compared to unconditional migration probabilities, as well the effects of conventional determinants of migration, and are robust to controlling for a variety of demographic characteristics. We find no evidence that our results are the result of reverse causality.

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Immigrants and Natives in U.S. Science and Engineering Occupations, 1994-2006

Mariano Sana
Demography, August 2010, Pages 801-820

Abstract:
Between 1994 and 2006, the ratio of foreign-born scientists and engineers (FSE) to native scientists and engineers (NSE) doubled. I decompose this change into a migration effect (which accounts for migration in general), a proportional college effect (which accounts for the relative proportions of college graduates among migrant and native workers), and a proportional science and engineering (S&E) effect (which accounts for the relative proportions of S&Es among migrant and native college-educated workers). Results show that the migration effect explains about three-quarters of the increase in FSE/NSE during the entire period under study. The proportional S&E effect, which captures changes in the ratio as a result of immigration of S&Es in excess of what would be expected from general migration alone, was largest in 1995-1998, which were years of sustained economic growth. Conversely, a slower economy coincided with a declining proportional S&E effect after 2000. Increases in the annual cap on H-1B visas, an important avenue of entry for foreign-born S&Es, had little effect on the ratio. In short, during 1994-2006, the association between economic swings and the specific, more than proportional migration of S&Es was much stronger than the association between the latter and changes in the H-1B cap.

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Immigration amnesties

Stephen Karlson & Eliakim Katz
Applied Economics, July 2010, Pages 2299-2315

Abstract:
Barriers and border patrols complement amnesty in a coherent policy that creates incentives for illegal immigrants to self-select on the basis of ability in a way that benefits a rich host country. We consider the roles of barriers to migration and immigration amnesties in greater depth and, in particular, we examine the rich country's optimal policies. Encouraging self-selection is optimal under some, but not all, circumstances, because there are mixes of potential immigrants for which the cost of welfare migration is more than offset by the gains from productive workers enticed by a more lenient immigration policy. Furthermore, under plausible assumptions, the rich country's optimum may require a probabilistic rather than a certain amnesty to fine-tune the mix of migrants. Numerical examples illustrate that probabilistic or certain amnesties, addressed to different partitions of the migrant population, are each optimal as the mix of potential migrants changes.

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Immigration, Citizenship, and the Size of Government

Francesc Ortega
B.E. Journal of Economic Analysis & Policy, 2010

Abstract:
I study the political sustainability of the welfare state in an environment where immigration is the main demographic force and where governments choose immigration policy. Voters anticipate their children's prospects of economic mobility and the future political consequences of today's policies. The skill distribution evolves due to intergenerational skill upgrading and immigration. I consider three regimes: permanent migration with citizenship granted by jus soli, permanent migration with jus sanguinis, and temporary migration. The main finding is that under permanent migration and jus soli there exists equilibria where redistribution is sustained indefinitely, despite constant skill upgrading. This is not the case in the other regimes. The crucial insight is that unskilled voters trade-off the lower wages from larger unskilled immigration with the increased political support for redistribution provided by the children of the current immigrants. These mechanisms are relevant for the ongoing debates over comprehensive immigration reform in the U.S, and elsewhere.

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Why they moved - emigration from the Swedish countryside to the United States 1881-1910

Jan Bohlin & Anna-Maria Eurenius
Explorations in Economic History, forthcoming

Abstract:
Swedish emigration rates were among the highest in Europe in the late nineteenth century. The majority of the emigrants originated from the countryside. In the article the determinants of emigration from the Swedish countryside to the United States are explored using panel regression methods on a newly constructed dataset consisting of yearly observations for 20 counties over the period 1881-1910. Amidst sharp fluctuations the emigration rate declined over the long term, which is explained by a rise in the standard of living and improved employment opportunities at home. Persistent regional differences in the emigration rate are explained by regional differences in population density and emigration tradition.

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Racism in the electronic age: Role of online forums in expressing racial attitudes about American Indians

Jesse Steinfeldt, Brad Foltz, Jennifer Kaladow, Tracy Carlson, Louis Pagano, Emily Benton & Clint Steinfeldt
Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, July 2010, Pages 362-371

Abstract:
This study investigated racial attitudes about American Indians that are electronically expressed in newspaper online forums by examining the University of North Dakota's Fighting Sioux nickname and logo used for their athletic teams. Using a modified Consensual Qualitative Research (CQR) methodology to analyze over 1,000 online forum comments, the research team generated themes, domains, and core ideas from the data. The core ideas included (a) surprise, (b) power and privilege, (c) trivialization, and (d) denigration. The findings indicated that a critical mass of online forum comments represented ignorance about American Indian culture and even disdain toward American Indians by providing misinformation, perpetuating stereotypes, and expressing overtly racist attitudes toward American Indians. Results of this study were explained through the lens of White power and privilege, as well as through the framework of two-faced racism (Picca & Feagin, 2007). Results provide support to previous findings that indicate the presence of Native-themed mascots, nicknames, or logos can negatively impact the psychological well-being of American Indians.

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The mental health and psychosocial adjustment of Cuban immigrants in south Florida

Andrew Cislo, Naomi Spence & Mathew Gayman
Social Science & Medicine, September 2010, Pages 1173-1181

Abstract:
Given documented variation in pre-migration and migration-related experiences, Cuban immigrants in the U.S. who arrived during or subsequent to 1980 may be disadvantaged in mental health and psychosocial adjustment relative to earlier arrivals. Using wave 1 of the Physical Challenge and Health study, we compare earlier and later arriving immigrants in levels of depression, anxiety, and self-esteem and test whether adversity and social support, acculturation-related factors, or pre-migration conditions account for any differences observed among a sample of adults living in South Florida (N = 191). Bivariate analyses reveal that later arrivals are relatively disadvantaged in anxiety and self-esteem and marginally so in depression. While later arrivals do not report more adversity in the U.S., they have lower levels of family support to cope with any adversity experienced. Later arrivals are also less likely to interview in English or to have a strong American identity, and they were more likely to have arrived as adults. Relative disadvantages in anxiety and self-esteem are best explained by indicators of acculturation and family support. Policies and programs that address acculturation difficulties and increase family support could improve the health and adjustment of these and similar immigrants.

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Divided Loyalties? Understanding Variation in Latino Attitudes Toward Immigration

Stella Rouse, Betina Cutaia Wilkinson & James Garand
Social Science Quarterly, September 2010, Pages 856-882

Objective: In this article, we develop and test a model of competing theoretical explanations of Latino attitudes toward immigration; specifically examining their policy preferences on legal immigration, illegal immigration, and a proposed policy for dealing with illegal immigrants. We also consider whether Latino attitudes toward legal and illegal immigration are related and comprise a single coherent structure.

Method: Using data from a 2004 national survey of Latinos, we perform regression, logit, and ordered logit analyses to examine the determinants of Latino attitudes toward immigration.

Results: We highlight three important findings. First, our results demonstrate "within-group" differences in immigration attitudes among Latinos, based on both national origin and generational status; we find that Mexicans are more pro-immigration than Latinos from other countries and that foreign-born Latinos have much more positive attitudes about immigration than second-generation and third-generation Latinos. Second, we find that Latino support for various aspects of immigration is primarily a function of ethnic and linguistic identity and attachment to American culture, with self-interest, contextual variables, and political and demographic attributes playing a smaller, more specialized role. Finally, we demonstrate that Latino attitudes toward legal and illegal immigration are highly interrelated.

Conclusion: There is a coherent structure underlying Latino attitudes toward legal immigration, illegal immigration, and a policy option for dealing with illegal immigrants. Our tests of competing theoretical approaches reveal the importance of national origin and ethnic attachment and acculturation in explaining differences among Latinos on their attitudes toward immigration.

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Acculturative Stress Among Documented and Undocumented Latino Immigrants in the United States

Consuelo Arbona, Norma Olvera, Nestor Rodriguez, Jacqueline Hagan, Adriana Linares & Margit Wiesner
Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, August 2010, Pages 362-384

Abstract:
The purpose of the study was to examine differences between documented and undocumented Latino immigrants in the prevalence of three immigration-related challenges (separation from family, traditionality, and language difficulties), which were made more severe after the passage of restrictive immigration legislation in 1996. Specifically, the study sought to determine the combined and unique associations of legal status, the three immigration-related challenges listed above, and fear of deportation to acculturative stress related to family and other social contexts. Participants in the study consisted of 416 documented and undocumented Mexican and Central American immigrants living in two major cities in Texas. The Hispanic Stress Inventory-Immigrant form was used to assess acculturative stress in the sample. Results indicated that although undocumented immigrants reported higher levels of the immigration challenges of separation from family, traditionality, and language difficulties than documented immigrants, both groups reported similar levels of fear of deportation. Results also indicated that the immigration challenges and undocumented status were uniquely associated with extrafamilial acculturative stress but not with intrafamilial acculturative stress. Only fear of deportation emerged as a unique predictor of both extrafamililal and intrafamilial acculturative stress.

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Descriptive Representation by Gender and Race/Ethnicity in Municipal Bureaucracies: Change in US Multiethnic Cities, 1987-2001

Will Miller, Brinck Kerr & Margaret Reid
Journal of Women, Politics & Policy, July 2010, Pages 217-242

Abstract:
We explore the extent of employment inequalities between Latinas, African American women, and white (non-Latina) women (and their coethnics) in public sector managerial positions in multiethnic US cities. Our analysis of Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) data from 1987 and 2001 indicates that all groups of women suffer from underrepresentation at the administrator level, especially in agencies that have regulatory and distributive policy commitments, but that Latinas and African American women show the lowest levels of representation. Moreover, Latinas and African American women are substantially underrepresented among professional workforces in almost all municipal departments; however, white (non-Latina) women achieve parity in many cities. Among pairs of coethnics (e.g. African American females versus African American males), we find that males are usually better represented than females, but even in multiethnic cities large disparities remain between white males and all other groups in the ability to claim and retain the most prestigious municipal government positions. We are concerned that the continuing lack of progress made by members of traditionally disadvantaged groups may further compromise the representativeness and legitimacy of bureaucracies in many multiethnic cites - and may also present a serious barrier to addressing important public policy challenges in these cities.

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Nativity, Ethnicity, and Residential Relocation: The Experience of Hmong Refugees and African Americans Displaced from Public Housing

Ryan Allen & Edward Goetz
Journal of Urban Affairs, August 2010, Pages 321-344

Abstract:
This article focuses on how the experiences of refugee public housing residents differ from those of other public housing residents when they participate in housing dispersal programs. An analysis of the spatial resettlement patterns and survey responses of Hmong and African-American public housing residents who were involuntarily relocated from public housing in Minneapolis, MN indicates the extent to which residents resettled in ethnically concentrated neighborhoods and their satisfaction with their new housing arrangements and neighborhoods. Research results suggest that Hmong did not settle in ethnically concentrated neighborhoods to the same extent as African Americans after relocation, and experienced lower levels of satisfaction in their new housing arrangements and neighborhoods. These findings indicate that the outcomes for residents involved in housing dispersal programs may depend in part on nativity status.

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Latino Immigration, Economic Deprivation, and Violence: Regional Differences in the Effect of Linguistic Isolation

Edward Shihadeh & Raymond Barranco
Homicide Studies, August 2010, Pages 336-355

Abstract:
One of the many contributions of Land, McCall, and Cohen's landmark study was the confirmation of a long-held view in criminology - that deprivation raises homicide. Yet recent literature finds that although Latino immigrant communities are often poor, paradoxically they have low levels of crime. Unfortunately, this seemingly contradictory evidence is based on studies of long-established, well-organized, traditional immigrant communities where Spanish is a modal form of communication. However, recent Latino migrants opted for new destinations that are unprotected by a shell of common culture and language, making Latinos in these areas more vulnerable to serious violence. In acknowledging these critical differences between old and new Latino communities, we observe four interrelated findings: (a) The widely held view that Latinos generally live in safe places is true only for those in traditional destinations; (b) Latinos in new destinations are murdered at an exceedingly high rate; (c) This elevated risk is linked to English nonfluency among Latinos in new destinations only; and (d) In these areas, linguistic isolation increases homicide not just directly but indirectly as well by first increasing Latino economic deprivation. Thus, once differences in place are considered, there is no "paradox" about Latino immigration and crime. Our results uphold the benchmark assessment of Land, McCall and Cohen, that deprivation is linked to homicide-even in Latino communities.


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