Findings

The Race Card

Kevin Lewis

April 03, 2010

Now They are American, Now They are Not: Valence as a Determinant of the Inclusion of African Americans in the American Identity

Robert Rydell, David Hamilton & Thierry Devos
Social Cognition, April 2010, Pages 161-179

Abstract:
Implicitly, Americans of several ethnicities associate being American with being White (American = White effect). Three studies investigated the basis for this effect and tested its malleability. We predicted that African Americans would be included into the category American when they were perceived positively, but would be excluded when they were perceived negatively. Experiment 1 showed that subliminal presentation of positive African American stereotypic traits reduced the American = White effect, but that subliminal presentation of negative African American stereotypic traits increased this effect. Experiments 2 and 3 showed that presenting positive African American exemplars decreased the American = White effect, whereas presenting negative African American exemplars increased it. Experiment 2 also revealed that negative African American exemplars (compared to positive African American exemplars) reduced categorization of African Americans as American and that these categorizations accounted for changes in the American = White effect. In Experiment 3, when positive African Americans were presented, Americans (in general) were described as having more positive traits stereotypic of African Americans, but when negative African Americans were presented Americans were described with fewer negative traits stereotypic of African Americans. The results are discussed in terms of the relative inclusion/exclusion of subgroups into a superordinate group.

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The Effect of Interethnic Ideologies on the Likability of Stereotypic vs. Counterstereotypic Minority Targets

Angélica Gutiérrez & Miguel Unzueta
Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, forthcoming

Abstract:
This paper examines the effect of interethnic ideologies on the likability of stereotypic vs. counterstereotypic minority targets. In two experiments, participants were exposed to either a multicultural or colorblind prime and subsequently asked to indicate their impressions of a stereotypic or counterstereotypic minority target. Results suggest that multiculturalism and colorblindness have different effects on the likability of minority targets to the extent that such targets confirm the existence of fixed or permeable ethnic group boundaries. Specifically, a stereotypic target was liked more than a counterstereotypic target when participants were exposed to multiculturalism - suggesting that multiculturalism creates a preference for individuals who remain within the boundaries of their ethnicity. Conversely, a counterstereotypic target was liked more than a stereotypic target when participants were exposed to colorblindness - suggesting that colorblindness creates a preference for individuals who permeate the boundaries of their ethnicity. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.

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Effect of Exposure to an American Indian Mascot on the Tendency to Stereotype a Different Minority Group

Chu Kim-Prieto, Lizabeth Goldstein, Sumie Okazaki & Blake Kirschner
Journal of Applied Social Psychology, March 2010, Pages 534-553

Abstract:
Numerous findings have documented the adverse effects of stereotypes on those negatively portrayed by the stereotypes. Less is known about the ramifications of stereotype exposure on those who are not the objects of the stereotypic depictions. Two studies examined the effect of exposure to an American Indian sports mascot on the stereotype endorsement of a different minority group. Study 1 used an unobtrusive prime, while Study 2 used a more engaged prime. Study 2 also investigated the effect among those unfamiliar with the controversy regarding American Indian sports mascots. Results from both studies show that participants primed with an American Indian sports mascot increased their stereotyping of a different ethnic minority group.

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Race, Gender and Political Ideology in Personal Bankruptcy Outcomes

Sumit Agarwal, Souphala Chomsisengphet, Robert McMenamin & Paige Marta Skiba
Federal Reserve Bank Working Paper, February 2010

Abstract:
Consumers filing for personal bankruptcy have an attorney guiding them to choose between chapter 7 (liquidation) and chapter 13 (reorganization) and helping them to petition a judge to discharge their debt. In this paper, we empirically assess whether the role of race, gender or political ideology affects outcomes during this process. To do so, we use a unique dataset of 9,526 hand-collected, detailed bankruptcy petitions filed by debtors and their lawyers. We first investigate the determinants of a debtor's chapter choice, conditional on filing. We find that the likelihood of choosing chapter 13 is significantly driven by a debtor's asset- and debt size and type, wages, and homeownership. However, our results show that White attorneys are more likely to recommend chapter 13 to Hispanic debtors. We then investigate the role of race, gender or political ideology on the likelihood of a judge dismissing bankruptcy petitions, controlling for a debtor's financial factors, gender, and chapter choice. We find that White judges are 57% more likely to dismiss a petition of an African American debtor. More specifically, White-male-Democratic judges in Republican counties and White-female-Republican judges in Republican counties are 120% and 47%, respectively, more likely to dismiss the petition of an African American debtor.

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"Shopping While Black": Examining Racial Discrimination in a Retail Setting

George Schreer, Saundra Smith & Kirsten Thomas
Journal of Applied Social Psychology, June 2009, Pages 1432-1444

Abstract:
To investigate racial discrimination in the marketplace, we conducted a field experiment to examine both overt and subtle forms of retail discrimination. "Customers" browsing in high-end retail stores asked a salesperson if they would remove a security sensor from a pair of sunglasses prior to trying them on in front of a mirror. Although the request to remove the sensor was granted in all conditions, the salespersons showed greater levels of suspicion (i.e., staring, following) in the Black conditions, especially in the male-group condition. These findings are consistent with current field research examining subtle biases toward other stigmatized groups.

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The Economics of Race and Eugenic Sterilization In North Carolina: 1958-1968

Gregory Priceg
Economics & Human Biology, forthcoming

"Were eugenic sterilization policies racist in intent, design and effect? Eugenic sterilization policies were motivated historically by appeals to social darwinism and economic theory which posited that certain racial and social groups were ‘biologically unfit' and 'dysgenic'. It was argued that their behavior constrained economic well-being for the total population. For eugenicists, economic well-being could be optimized if the biologically unfit dysgenic racial groups were sterilized-economically bred-out. This policy sentiment was inspired by Irving Fisher, an enthusiastic supporter and champion of eugenics at the turn of the 20th century. While Fisher later moderated his views on the so-called biologically unfit and dysgenic characteristics of blacks, others continued to maintain such views. Fisher's early support of eugenics policy organizations could have induced a policy path dependency that resulted in black Americans being disproportionate targets of eugenic sterilization. Using data from North Carolina on official eugenic sterilizations conducted between 1958 - 1968, we have considered the extent to which sterilization probabilities were conditioned on the share of blacks in the population. This is one way in which an optimal eugenics policy could manifest itself given its presumption of a positive correlation between biological unfitness, dysgenic traits and racial-group population shares. Our results, based on count data parameter estimates show that in North Carolina, the incidence of sterilization was conditioned on race, as the probability of institutional and total sterilization rose with the black population share. This effect also was unique and appears to be robust as total sterilization probabilities were not sensitive to the population shares for any other racial group. Nor were our results altered by inclusion of control variables measuring eugenic sterilization policy objectives unrelated to racial-group population shares such as individual mental health and poverty status. While other racial groups were sterilized under North Carolina's eugenics programs, our results suggest that since sterilization probabilities were not sensitive to their populations shares, these other racial groups were sterilized for reasons other than controlling their population share. Such a eugenics policy prescription apparently was reserved for North Carolina's black population."

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Moving Out but Not Up: Economic Outcomes in the Great Migration

Suzanne Eichenlaub, Stewart Tolnay & Trent Alexander
American Sociological Review, February 2010, Pages 101-125

Abstract:
The migration of millions of southerners out of the South between 1910 and 1970 is largely attributed to economic and social push factors in the South, combined with pull factors in other regions of the country. Researchers generally find that participants in this migration were positively selected from their region of origin, in terms of educational attainment and urban status, and that they fared relatively well in their destinations. To fully measure the migrants' success, however, a comparison with those who remained in the South is necessary. This article uses data from the U.S. Census to compare migrants who left the South with their southern contemporaries who stayed behind, both those who moved within the South and the sedentary population. The findings indicate that migrants who left the South did not benefit appreciably in terms of employment status, income, or occupational status. In fact, inter-regional migrants often fared worse than did southerners who moved within the South or those who remained sedentary. These results contradict conventional wisdom regarding the benefits of exiting the South and suggest the need for a revisionist interpretation of the experiences of those who left.

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The Hidden Prejudice in Selection: A Research Investigation on Skin Color Bias

Matthew Harrison & Kecia Thomas
Journal of Applied Social Psychology, January 2009, Pages 134-168

Abstract:
In this era of affirmative action, racial discrimination in the workplace has been studied widely. A common negligence of these studies is that they disregard the subject of skin-tone stratification, and present an analysis of discrimination based on treatment of Blacks and Whites (both as collective units); thereby overlooking a prevalent issue that has long existed in western culture-colorism. This study examined the influence of colorism on job selection, and discovered a significant preferential difference among Black applicants based on their skin complexion. The findings suggest that skin tone plays a considerable role in the favorability of a Black applicant; indicating that skin color is more salient and regarded more highly than one's educational background and prior work experience.

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Federalism, Efficiency, and Civil Rights Enforcement

Eric Wilk & Charles Lamb
Political Research Quarterly, forthcoming

Abstract:
This article systematically compares the efficiency of federal, state, and local civil rights agencies in enforcing national fair housing policy over time, with special attention to the South. State and local agencies processed Fair Housing Act complaints more efficiently than the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD), southern agencies outperformed HUD, and the probability that a racial discrimination complaint resulted in a favorable outcome for the alleged victim was the same for complaints originating within and outside the South. These findings suggest that the fair housing enforcement model may provide useful concepts for sharing power in other policy areas in the American federal system.

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Perceptions of Anti-Semitism among American Jews, 2000-05, A Survey Analysis

Jeffrey Cohen
Political Psychology, February 2010, Pages 85-107

Abstract:
Despite their high degree of economic, educational, social, and political success, most American Jews in the early 2000s see anti-Semitism as a problem, and significant percentages see anti-Semitism as a very serious problem. How do we explain these perceptions of anti-Semitic threat given the comparative success of Jews in so many aspects of American life? This paper uses annual surveys from the National Survey of American Jews from 2000 through 2005 to address this question. Results indicate a multiplicity of factors affect perceptions of the seriousness of anti-Semitism. Those with a stronger sense of Jewish identity, lower income, and older people are more likely to see anti-Semitism as a very serious problem. Respondents also tend to see anti-Semitism as a more serious threat if they live in states with higher anti-Semitic incidents rates and when use of anti-Semitic terms in the news media increases. The conclusion puts the findings into perspective and suggests what we can learn by studying successful minority groups.

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Complementary Objectivity and Ideology: Reifying White Capitalist Hierarchies in Time Magazine's Construction of Michelle Rhee

David Chison Oh
Journal of Communication Inquiry, April 2010, Pages 151-167

Abstract:
Time's coverage of Michelle Rhee employs "complementary objectivity" to simultaneously support White capitalist values manifest in Rhee's pro-market educational reform proposals and to contain the person of Rhee evident in the use of historical stereotypes of Asian Pacific Americans. This use of objectivity creates a sense of impartial coverage while hiding alternative, especially labor, critiques, maintaining racist hierarchies, and promoting White interests.

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Say "adios" to the American dream? The interplay between ethnic and national identity among Latino and Caucasian Americans

Thierry Devos, Kelly Gavin & Francisco Quintana
Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, January 2010, Pages 37-49

Abstract:
In three studies, implicit and explicit measures were used to examine the interconnections between ethnic and national identities among Latino Americans and Caucasian Americans. Consistently, Latino Americans as a group were conceived of as being less American than Caucasian Americans (Studies 1-3). This effect was exhibited by both Caucasian and Latino participants. Overall, Caucasian participants displayed a stronger national identification than Latino participants (Studies 2 and 3). In addition, ethnic American associations accounted for the strength of national identification for Caucasian participants, but not for Latino participants (Study 2). Finally, ethnic differences in national identification among individuals who exclude Latino Americans from the national identity emerged when persistent ethnic disparities were primed, but not when increasing equalities were stressed (Study 3). In sum, ethnic American associations account for the merging versus dissociation between ethnic and national identifications and reflect a long-standing ethnic hierarchy in American society.

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‘The Negro in Chicago': Harmony in Conflict, 1919-22

Cheryl Hudson
European Journal of American Culture, January 2010, Pages 53-67

Abstract:
Calls for reform in the wake of the 1919 Chicago race riot came to centre on the perceived need for greater order and oversight in the relations between the black and white residents of the city. This article examines the city's official response to the racial violence of 1919, which took the form of the Chicago Commission on Race Relations and its 1922 report, The Negro in Chicago. Demand for the interracial commission emanated from both progressive reformers and official political channels but many among Chicago's African American population resisted the undemocratic and segregationist implications of such a deliberating body. I assess the nature of the political ideas animating the commission's membership and the intellectual sustenance provided by its primary researcher, Charles S. Johnson, and his mentor, Robert E. Park. I argue that the report not only institutionalized Jim Crow in 1920s Chicago but by giving official sanction to racial marking, it embedded racial categorizations in the newly emerging conceptions of citizenship in the modern city.


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