Findings

Godlike

Kevin Lewis

August 25, 2019

Who Wants to Make America Great Again? Understanding Evangelical Support for Donald Trump
Michele Margolis
Politics and Religion, forthcoming

Abstract:
White evangelicals overwhelmingly supported Donald Trump in the 2016 election, producing extensive debate as to who evangelicals are, what it means to be an evangelical in the United States today, and whether the electoral results are surprising or not. This paper offers empirical clarity to this protracted discussion by asking and answering a series of questions related to Trump's victory in general and his support from white evangelicals in particular. In doing so, the analyses show that the term “evangelical” has not become a synonym for conservative politics and that white evangelical support for Trump would be higher if public opinion scholars used a belief-centered definition of evangelicalism rather than relying on the more common classification strategies based on self-identification or religious denomination. These findings go against claims that nominal evangelicals, those who call themselves evangelicals but are not religious, make up the core of Trump's support base. Moreover, strong electoral support among devout evangelicals is not unique to the 2016 election but rather is part of a broader trend of evangelical electoral behavior, even when faced with non-traditional Republican candidates. Finally, the paper explores why white evangelicals might support a candidate like Trump. The paper presents evidence that negative partisanship helps explain why devout evangelicals - despite Trump's background and behaviors being cause for concern - coalesced around his presidential bid. Together, the findings from this paper help make sense of both the 2016 presidential election and evangelical public opinion, both separately and together.


A Clash of Civilizations? Muslims, Christians, and Preferences for Democracy
Arzoo Rafiqi
Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, forthcoming

Abstract:
The incompatibility of Islam with democracy has been the focal point of many public and scholarly debates. However, very few studies have attempted to investigate empirically whether the followers of Islam are less favorable to democracy than the followers of Christianity. This study extends previous research by conducting empirical and representative analyses of whether Muslims in general and religious and practicing Muslims in particular prefer democracy less than their Christian counterparts. Using country fixed effects regression and data from the World Values Survey (WVS6) that include 52,326 Muslims and Christians, the analyses show that Muslims in general, as well as religious and practicing Muslims, endorse democracy to the same extent as do Christians. Thereby, this study is the first to provide comparative, individual‐level evidence of the influence these religions may have on democratic attitudes.


Poverty and Divine Rewards: The Electoral Advantage of Islamist Political Parties
Sharan Grewal et al.
American Journal of Political Science, forthcoming

Abstract:
Political life in many Muslim‐majority countries has been marked by the electoral dominance of Islamist parties. Recent attempts to explain why have highlighted their material and organizational factors, such as the provision of social services. In this article, we revive an older literature that emphasizes the appeal of these parties’ religious nature to voters experiencing economic hardship. Individuals suffering economic strain may vote for Islamists because they believe this to be an intrinsically virtuous act that will be met with divine rewards in the afterlife. We explore this hypothesis through a series of laboratory experiments in Tunisia. Individuals assigned to treatment conditions instilling feelings of economic strain exhibit greater support for Islamist parties, and this support is causally mediated by an expectation of divine compensation in the hereafter. The evidence suggests that the religious nature of Islamist parties may thus be an important factor in their electoral success.


What makes life meaningful for theists and atheists?
Taylor Nelson, Andrew Abeyta & Clay Routledge
Psychology of Religion and Spirituality, forthcoming

Abstract:
Meaning in life is a predictor of psychological and physical health, and religiosity has long been associated with meaning. However, little is known about how theists and atheists compare regarding their views on what gives life meaning. We conducted a study to explore similarities and differences between atheists and theists on perceived sources of meaning in life as well as overall perceptions of meaning. Participants responded to a writing prompt, and then their responses were analyzed by trained coders. Although both groups mentioned interpersonal relationships more than any other source of meaning, theists were more likely to reference social (e.g., relationships, parenting) and religious sources of meaning, whereas atheists were more likely to describe their lives as having no meaning and to mention sources of meaning that were not captured by the coded categories. Finally, theists scored significantly higher than atheists on the presence of meaning in life and the need for meaning but not on the search for meaning.


Euroscepticism and Protestant Heritage: The Role of Religion on EU Issue Voting
Margarete Scherer
Politics and Religion, forthcoming

Abstract:
This paper focuses on the historical ties between Protestantism and the nation-state, as well as between Catholicism and supranationalism, to widen the political science debate on different conditions of EU issue voting. Research suggests that the political context in each nation-state shapes the extent to which individual Eurosceptic attitudes influence the decision to vote for Eurosceptic parties. In addition to this, I expect that a nations' religious background responds differently to this relationship. Using data from the 2014 European Parliament elections, I show that citizens from predominantly Protestant countries actually decide for Eurosceptic parties if they hold negative attitudes towards European integration. In contrast, citizens from predominantly Catholic countries may or may not vote for Eurosceptic parties, but their voting decision is not based on individual EU attitudes such as support for European integration, trust in EU institutions or European identity.


Religion and Tolerance of Minority Sects in the Arab World
Michael Hoffman
Journal of Conflict Resolution, forthcoming

Abstract:
Does religious behavior always promote hostility toward members of other faiths? This article suggests that the relationship between personal religious behavior and religious tolerance is not so simple. Even in the Arab World, frequently cited as a center of religious piety and intolerance, different forms of religious behavior have markedly different effects on attitudes toward minority sects. Using both observational and experimental data from across the Arab World as well as an original nationally representative survey conducted in Lebanon in 2013 and 2014, I argue that while communal religious practice does indeed tend to promote intolerant attitudes, personal prayer has precisely the opposite effect. These findings indicate that the traditional assumption that piety invariably leads to intolerance should be rethought. Even in one of the most sectarian environments in the world, private religious behavior can have a substantial pro-tolerance effect.


American Constitutional Faith and the Politics of Hermeneutics
Andrew Lewis et al.
Politics and Religion, forthcoming

Abstract:
As more debates in American politics become constitutional questions, effective citizens must engage in constitutional interpretation. While most Americans venerate the Constitution as a part of a national, civil religion, levels of constitutional knowledge are also very low. In this paper, we analyze how ordinary Americans approach the task of constitutional interpretation. An analysis of two cross-sectional surveys indicates constitutional hermeneutics are a product of political factors, religious affiliation, and biblical interpretive preferences. We also present the results of a survey experiment where the manipulation of a clergy's interpretation of a biblical passage affects how respondents interpret both scripture and the Constitution, providing a potential causal mechanism for learning how to engage in hermeneutics.


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